The vote is a rebuke of the speaker and Trump, who earlier Friday insisted on social media that the “grandstanders” against the legislation “MUST UNITE behind, ‘THE ONE, BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL!'... STOP TALKING, AND GET IT DONE!”

The vote is a significant, but not fatal, setback to the legislation that Trump hopes will define his second term. The bill includes trillions of dollars in tax cuts; ends taxes on tips, overtime wages and auto loan interest, which was one of Trump’s campaign promises; and designates hundreds of billions of dollars of spending on the administration’s immigration crackdown and defense priorities.

But the measure would add more than $2.5 trillion to the $36.2 trillion national debt — an amount that the hard-line conservatives found intolerable.

“This bill falls profoundly short. It does not do what we say it does with respect to deficits,” Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), said during the meeting. “The fact of the matter is, with respect to spending, what we’re dealing with here on tax cuts and spending is a massive front-loaded deficit increase. That’s the truth.”

He was joined in opposition to the bill by fellow committee members Ralph Norman (R-South Carolina), Andrew Clyde (R-Georgia), Josh Brecheen (R-Oklahoma) — all members of the ultraconservative House Freedom Caucus.

In a statement, the Freedom Caucus said the four lawmakers “continue to work in good faith to enact the President’s ‘Big Beautiful Bill’” and pledged to “continue negotiations” through the weekend.

Rep. Lloyd Smucker (R-Pennsylvania) originally voted in favor of the bill but changed his vote to a no, which allows Republicans to call up the measure again in the committee. Budget Committee Chairman Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) originally told lawmakers the panel would reconvene Monday after spending the weekend at the bargaining table, adding “Your weekends are for you and your family,” according to a person in the committee room who, like others quoted in this article, spoke on the condition of anonymity to share the private conversation.

Two other people familiar with the negotiations say Johnson prefers that the Budget Committee reconvene as early as Sunday evening if a deal is struck with the holdouts. He still hopes to get the legislative package through the House by Memorial Day weekend.

Persistent disagreements between the furthest-right flank and moderates have plagued House Republicans’ budget negotiations since the last Congress. Fiscal hawks, many of whom are members of the Freedom Caucus, are demanding $2 trillion in federal spending cuts, the bulk of which would come from Medicaid and SNAP, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program formerly known as food stamps.

Those cuts, though, would not take effect for several years, and the policies included carve-outs that would permit federal and state policymakers to slim down the cuts or opt out of them entirely.

Moderates, many of whom represent swing districts that helped House Republicans retain the majority last year, are more protective of those benefits.

Striking a compromise between the factions will be difficult, especially on a policy area that routinely derailed funding fights during the last Congress. Fiscal clashes contributed to the eventual removal of a Kevin McCarthy (R-California) as House speaker, and the same tensions could determine Johnson’s fate in the job.

Johnson, Arrington and Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-Louisiana) worked overnight Thursday into Friday to attempt to make changes to the legislation to placate the committee’s holdouts, including moving up the timeline for work requirements to take effect.

Arrington on Friday morning even delayed perfunctory committee votes until the end of the meeting to give negotiators about an hour more time to hash out a deal. But the sides were unable to reach an agreement — and any policy change that would increase spending cuts could cost Johnson votes from the more moderate parts of his conference.

“Don’t move the goalpost. If you move the goalpost, that will be very damaging because we’ve all worked in good faith to make this happen,” said Rep. Don Bacon (R), who represents a Nebraska swing district. “I didn’t like everything that’s put in; I don’t expect them to like everything that’s being put in. So this is how this works.”

Blue-state Republicans have also demanded a higher cap on the state and local tax deduction, also known as SALT, — an expensive new tax cut that is controversial among conservatives — and are wary of additional spending reductions on safety net programs.

“We’re not closer. Still a lot of specifics that need to be hashed out,” said Rep. Nick LaLota (R-New York), a key negotiator on SALT.

Johnson and his team had hoped to push the legislation through the Budget Committee on Friday, then through the Rules Committee on Monday. The Rules Committee is where lawmakers could offer amendments to satisfy GOP holdouts across the ideological spectrum.

The speaker must wrangle all but two Republicans to approve the package, assuming all lawmakers are present to vote, to squeak the legislation through Republicans’ narrow House majority.

But Republicans across the ideological spectrum are worried about what could happen to their bill when it reaches the Senate. Leaders there have already suggested they are interested in dramatic policy changes to the House bill, and many of the proposals most important to the House may not survive the upper chamber’s strict rules that govern the budget process.

“There are dozens of members who have expressed that concern to our leadership, and those members are insisting that either the Senate go first, or the Senate and the president bless … whatever bill that we’re ultimately asked to vote on,” LaLota said. “We don’t want to have a … scenario where the House votes on something that ultimately gets trashed in the Senate or by the president. We should make every effort possible to vote on something only if it’s real.”