Burnt out cars are seen on the Plum Pass, an important traffic route through Monte-Dore in France’s Pacific territory of New Caledonia on June 10, 2024. | Photo Credit: AFP

The story so far: A high-stakes attempt by French Overseas Minister Manuel Valls to broker a new political accord for New Caledonia collapsed on May 8, plunging the French Pacific territory into profound uncertainty.

What is its current status?

For decades, New Caledonia, a French island territory of approximately 2,71,400 people in the southwest Pacific Ocean, has been on a complex journey regarding its status. The 1998 Nouméa Accord, born from a history of colonial tensions and a near civil war in the 1980s, explicitly recognised the “trauma” inflicted upon the indigenous Kanak people. It also led to three referendums on independence, in 2018, 2020 and 2021, of New Caledonia from France. While all three rejected independence, the final vote was boycotted by pro-independence parties and its legitimacy has been contested.

Why is independence still a demand?

New Caledonia’s modern history began with its seizure by France as a penal colony in 1853. Despite attempts to ease colonial rule, such as granting French citizenship to all inhabitants in 1957, deep divisions persisted, culminating in the 1984-1988 conflict. The Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) emerged during this period as a powerful political force, advocating for complete independence.

The 1998 Nouméa Accord was a landmark compromise. It established a unique sui generis status for New Caledonia within the French Republic. It granted the territory significant autonomy, including its own Congress with law-making powers, and incorporated “New Caledonian citizenship” which restricted voting rights to long-term residents, a key provision for Kanak political representation.

However, due to the FLNKS boycott of the last independence referendum, over COVID-19 and customary mourning periods, the final solution to New Caledonia remained uncertain.

Why did recent talks fail?

The period following the contested 2021 referendum was marked by heightened tension, which exploded in May 2024 over a French proposal to “unfreeze” the electoral roll (to change rules which restrict voting rights to only long-term residents). The ensuing riots, the worst in decades, resulted in 14 deaths, and hundreds injured. In this volatile context, the French government, through Mr. Valls, intensified efforts to find a “third way” — a new institutional status that could offer a form of sovereignty without complete traditional independence.

Mr. Valls’s mission aimed to facilitate dialogue between FLNKS and loyalist factions towards such a consensual outcome. The concept of “sovereignty in partnership” became central. This envisioned New Caledonia gaining enhanced international recognition and control over most aspects of governance such as the judiciary, but with an immediate, negotiated delegation of the exercise of these powers back to France.

However, this path was abruptly blocked on May 8. During the negotiations, the proposal was decisively rejected by hardline loyalist factions in the island. They deemed the “sovereignty in partnership” model as tantamount to disguised independence. Instead, these loyalist groups proposed a form of partition, with the pro-independence North and Loyalty Islands provinces having an association status, while the wealthier, loyalist-majority South Province would remain fully French. This solution was found unacceptable to both the French state, which upholds New Caledonia’s indivisibility, and the independents who called this “paramount to apartheid”.

The failure of the talks has significantly amplified the obstacles. The immediate challenge is the upcoming provincial elections, due by November 2025, which will now proceed without a prior political agreement on the territory’s future.

Franciszek Snarski is an intern at The Hindu.